The text by R J Pujades i Bataller referring to the winds and technical items within Les Cartes Portolanes is contained within pages 473-481 and 513-514. Here-in R J Pujades sets down his research and reasoning for the origination of the physical work entailed in producing a Portolan chart, the process of copying and the possible scales used as a reason for the charts observed sizes. He clearly focuses upon the wind diagrams and its draughtsmanship, but, it can be clearly shown that his reasoning is based upon a false premise. The background graticule can be shown to be the arbiter of the Portolan chart with the copying method to obtain a number of similar charts merely the use of templates. The background graticule assists in the primary positioning of the map, and certainly provides the chart scale.

20 A4 pages and 20 full colour diagram maps

The 1403AD Portolan Chart of Francesco Beccari has been studied in a historical and a technical paper. Commented upon as unique for its latitudinal scale and what may be considered a rather self serving, apologetic text for past chart failures, it requires researching.
Ignoring the previous texts for the main analysis of the 1403AD chart, the actual evidence paints a different picture. Thus it is then possible to show by comparison to those texts the technical detail that should have been assessed and thus a more correct conclusion arrived at.
Finally, the 1435AD Portolan Chart of Battista Beccari is also analysed with the obvious necessity of a comparison to the 1403AD Portolan Chart.

12 A4 pages and 20 full colour diagram maps

The wind rose graticule has been shown to be a simple geometric construct based upon the side length ratios of a triangle for angular deviation. The ratio of the squares when drawn is 35: 30: 20: 7 TRU’s (trignometrical ratio units). But what if the charts size and chosen scale does not allow for an easy conversion of the ratio numbers to scale measures? This text is an appendix for the original ChWr/1; Wind Rose Construction text.

Having studied a large number of Portolan charts, as the website clearly shows, I was struck by the lack of examination of extant Atlases in the research texts of others. Those Atlases are detailed in Les Cartes Portolanes, pages 69/70, and having just reviewed my research into the work of Petrus Vesconte (ChPV/1) and revisited his Atlases, I decided to review my research including those Atlases and others, not all of them, just the first 14.
However, I did not consider that a short text could contain a complete review of those chosen as I had carried out on the Petrus Vesconte 1313 and 1318 Atlases, but instead concentrated upon the Atlas page containing the Iberian Peninsula, the starting point for the utter confusion which can be shown to exist apropos distance measures and thus the original distortion point for Portolan charts.
As there is generally only one scale bar to each Atlas page, it is thus a simple matter to ascertain the accuracy and measures utilized to draw each sheet. Thus, when a confusion of distance measures is encountered on this one Atlas Page, emanating from a single scale bar, little more than those facts require to be investigated. It also determined that the draughtsmen were not au fait with their subject matter and thus should be considered only copy artist’s, but from what? That does not infer criticism of the artistry to produce these Atlases as they are a feast for the eyes, and illustrate exquisite draughtsmanship but a lack of real knowledge, and confirms they are copies, not original works. How many originals were copied is detailed.

The text is 11, A4 pages and contains 16, A4 diagrams (some are text based).

The text is in two distinct sections; firstly an analysis of the chart dated 1500 noted as being by Juan de La Cosa to understand how it was drawn, the measurements used and the probable origination of the data used; and secondly an analysis of the “raw” historical data regarding the “La Cosa” personage and his exploits after stripping out the hyperbole and extravagant overstatements of many authors who have written concerning the whole subject of the exploration of the West Indies.
Both sections are written as stand-alone texts and need not be read as one paper.
This section casts doubt upon the authorship of the Chart and perhaps the date appended, as it appears to have information that was only known after the 1500 date and is thus thought to be 1502 at the earliest as others have suggested, but in fact could be even later. This section also questions the charts origination. The second section is merely the historical facts that can actually be accepted as such. But, as only confirmed fact should be used before accepting circumstantial evidence, and there being little definitive data to go on, speculative texts abound and they must be challenged. Both sections have their own Abstract/Introduction and they are not cross referenced to each other to allow the reader to reach his or her own conclusions from the evidence presented.

The part one text is 13, A4 pages and contains 28 A4 diagrams. Pages 1 to 13.
The part two text is 8, A4 pages and contains 1, A4 diagram, D01 from above. Pages 14 to 21.

Having read many texts concerning the Columbus exploits and thus knowing of Juan de La Cosa from those texts and his c1500 chart, I was totally bemused by the chauvinistic approach of many authors and how in each text new titles appeared when the historical facts did not actually agree. It appeared to me to be a little massaging and improving the data.
Thus I decided, but against my better judgement and contrary to my normal approach of analysing charts and maps, to explore at the most basic level the history appertaining to Juan de La Cosa. As has been stated by others, there is little hard evidence (or none in reality) regarding him prior to 1492. Even where he was born, his home village has been guessed by some when it is clearly written in a ships listing, but to establish the credentials of the c1500 chart the investigation is necessary.
In the first section I analysed the chart by draughtsmanship detail and now the second part is an analysis from confirmed facts with a timeline to establish the whereabouts of and the survey work Juan de La Cosa could have carried out.
Please note that to simplify references I am giving only page numbers from “Christopher Columbus, An Encyclopaedia”, edited by Silvio A Bedini, which was originally published in two volumes in 1992, but re-issued in 1998 as a single volume which is here-in used. I have and have also read numerous other texts and find that the basic facts remain the same throughout with some “gilding the lily” regarding the situation and others stretching facts to breaking point; one is enough!

The part two text is 8, A4 pages and contains 1, A4 diagram, D01 from above. Pages 14 to 21.

Read research papers or books concerning Genoese 14th to 16th Century cartography and there is not one text written which investigates how it all happened and uses simple basic facts such as lifespan, training or raison d’être for the origination. The first extant work provable by attribution is that of Petrus Vesconte and his 1311 chart. But he had to be taught the art and that has never been addressed in the myriad of papers written over the last years. Add to that the Carta Pisane, probably 1290 and the Cortona Chart c1300, both of which have doubtful provenance, but by existing they push the date backwards for the training of their authors. Thus this text sets down clearly known facts and dates and uses the life spans attributable to evaluate the overlap of these cartographers and how their charts also spring from a basic pattern/template which is amply illustrated in the second part of this research.

The text is 20 A4 pages and contains 53 A4 Diagrams (originals are all A3, and some interlink to form the complete chart at large scale.)

Searching for information regarding a Globe which I thought had dubious attestation given by J L Stevenson, Tome 2 pp47/49, regarding Petrus Plancius, I was led to the BnF Paris and a set of Gores available under their Gallica system. To my surprise I found them to be wrongly drawn and did not include the three texts quoted by Stevenson. Hence a very fast research project to find the globe ensued whilst I awaited a Portolan Chart scan to arrive.
The outcome of this research is quite surprising to say the least! And, it is merely a quick resume of the facts I have so far discerned requiring a proper research project later.

The appendix is perhaps the most surprising find, geometric errors by Mercator!

The text is 6, A4 pages and 17, A4 diagrams or photos.

A historical and technical examination of the sinister and dextra parts of the Dedication page, JCB 08658-001, illustrating the Armorials of the titular heads of Corsica on the sinister and a map of Corsica with toponyms and four elaborate monograms on the dextra. It is not a definitive work as it must be further investigated due to the complexity of the subject and a distinct lack of detailed information. Speculative in part it certainly is!

The basic facts are laid down with conclusions where possible regarding the Armorials, but the Map of Corsica and its toponyms is analysed completely and there only exist one or two curious place names that are unknown today. However in comparing this map to others it proves there are always curiosities.

There is also an appendix which discusses the cartographers in Naples c1510.

The text is 11, A4 pages and contains 25, A4 (A3) diagrams

Having investigated the JCB held atlas of 1511 to evaluate its geography in text ChAVM/1 and ChAVM/2, this text adds the geographical information from the 1512 atlas held in Parma and the 1519 atlas held in Munich. All three are compared to each other to establish the continuity of their construction.

Thus it is possible to opine that Vesconte Maggiolo had with him on his 1508/1509 journey from Genoa to Naples a Portolan Chart and in all probability a pattern/template with which to construct these atlas pages. They are quite accurate in their comparative state when the scale bars are aligned and they are overlaid one on the other as the diagrams clearly illustrate.

However, this text commences with Section 1 a retrospective analysis of the 1511 JCB atlas page sizes to determine how Vesconte Maggiolo actually scaled certain sheets to fit precisely to the page size of c39 x c57.6 cms. This investigation proves the use of the Roman Uncia for some of the charts construction and also that the charts are in a mathematical ratio of size with a rather extraordinary finale.

Section 2 is then the comparison of the three atlas and their inner workings and illustrates the previous findings of continuity of pattern/template.

Section 3 is a comparison of V. Maggiolo and Salvat de Pilestrina’s work which shows they are probably identical and thus from the same pattern/template drawn in Genoa.

The text is 10, A4 pages and contains 50(51), A4 (A3) diagrams, (one is a double)

The paper is in two distinct sections;

1) A complete analysis of the world chart including a comparison which may indicate a similar cartographer.

2) An analysis of the vellum/parchment itself to expose some very peculiar features.

The text is 6, A4 pages and contains 18, A3 diagrams.

A brief narrative following the discovery of a Chart fragment, its conservation and my investigation to trace the cartographer and thus the possible date of the chart.

The text is 3, A4 pages and contains 7, A3 diagrams

An investigation that analyses these 10 atlases and uses as the base guide the Dresden Library Atlas, dated 1568 which has 28 folios and is thus possibly the most expansive atlas produced. It covers the discoveries to that date, the technical data and also includes a World map and the Clima Zones.

Only three atlases have world maps extant and their provenance is investigated.

There already exist two texts, ChDgH/1 and ChRH/1 which discuss works by the Homem Family and should be considered part of this text.

The text is 7, A4 pages and contains 38, A3 diagrams (many larger reduced)

Having waited several months for photos of the atlas to arrive, as the Library said it was in a poor state of preservation, and the fact that they then sent 26 photos including views of the bindings and covers this atlas was chosen for a singular study. This was mainly because of handwritten texts on the inner bindings of the front and rear leather covers. On first viewing they appeared to contain both good and spurious information and it piqued my curiosity. I had already noted that four of the folios appeared to make a portolan chart and thus an investigation was required as to the original chart that was copied to form the Atlas.

I was not prepared for the research necessary to answer the reasoning for those texts and thus a separate appendix text was required.

The text is 3, A4 pages and contains 17, A3 diagrams.
The appendix is 11, A4 pages and contains 3, A3 diagrams.

The Fra Mauro Planisphere is housed in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, and has been the subject of two books, one in 1956 and the latest by Professor Piero Falchetta in 2006. This latest text included a detailed listing of toponyms and textual notes and was accompanied by a reactive CD scan of the planisphere.

This narrative uses the excellent work of Professor Falchetta and seeks to find the path that Fra Mauro followed to produce the 1960mm diameter planisphere which is a work of outstanding beauty and was preceded by other smaller portolans, equally well drawn.

This text evaluates the scale of the planisphere and thus contradicts the Book regarding its construction merely by following the path Fra Mauro took in its production. The work of the copyist who produced the Vatican Borgiana V Portolan chart and the work of Andreas Bianco are obviously keys to the whole subject. Finally it questions just when it was finally finished?

The text is 9, A4 pages and contains 22, A3 diagrams

Contacted again by the Notarial Archives of Malta, when they discovered in 2021 this larger fragment of a Portolan Chart it was a pleasurable surprise and a wonderful challenge. Because of the ensuing travel restrictions it was not possible for me to fly to Malta (yet again) and I had to rely upon the Archival staff who were charged with securing the Archives for posterity to photograph as best possible the remnant.

They have taken numerous photos which are all pre-restoration state of the fragment and that made the task more challenging, but, a systematic approach was required as well as some specific photographs that were requested and supplied to supplement the data..

This short narrative text relates the research story as it unfolded over the year to the point where the cartographer was discovered with the help of those on Malta. However, it is only a preliminary narrative text as the contents will clearly indicate.

The text contains 06, A4 pages and has 15, A3 diagrams.

Rather late in the context of Majorcan/Catalan influences, but having written ChGME/1 linking those charts by author and teacher which basically finished as a text c1500AD, this text nominally follows two dynasties from c1470 to c1640. It concentrates on information on those who influenced them and whom they influenced but only the work of the Rubeus/Russus Family is fully discussed. The Olives family is basically noted as a time line and it should be noted that the first two Olives family cartographers have 35 charts between them extant. They are included as the Cartografia Mallorquina listings combine them and the cross fertilisation through the ages can be indicated.

However, the preceding text, ChCGM/1, sets down the basic facts concerning the first (?) chart by Petrus Rubeus, that once owned by Conte Giuliano Merenda of Forli and the full research texts I found from the 1880’s , 1957 and 1970. They are only referred to here-in and thus for the full storyline that text should be analysed first, particularly the appendices.

Prior to my conclusions on this text there is a section headed “Why did Petrus Rubeus leave Majorca for Messina?” This is an attempt to reconcile many questions which arise in this text and have perplexed me and endeavour to answer the question, Why Messina?
Finally I have appended the text from ChGME/1 Appendix which discusses Rubeus/Russus.

The text is 9 (25) A4 pages and contains 31 (27 +4 APP) A4 and A3 diagrams.

In studying the charts and atlases, I noted that there was a significant number of Mythical Animals and Christian Iconography there-on. Bartolomeo Olives is obviously “Catholic Majorcan” and thus I would expect there to be some reference such as the vignette of the Madonna and Child on the neck of the vellum, but, having written ChBAO/1, a text detailing the Bartolomeo Olives chart dated 1584, which I sub-headed “History Writ Large on a Chart” I was not surprised to see that others were so detailed.

Thus the criteria for this text, starting with his probable cartographic training and thence his move from Palma Majorca to Messina Sicily, was to determine just what his raison d’être was for appearing to be an educator as well as a cartographer.

Please note that I have a copy of all Bartolomeo Olives’ Atlases and charts except a privately owned chart, as noted. However not all of them are actually shown as copies but are all described here-in; certain charts as noted may be extant but missing.

The text is 20, A4 pages and contains 23, A3 diagrams

Although two excellent texts regarding the work of the al-Sharafi family of Sfax Tunisia exist, they do not address the works from a draughtsmanship or even technical stand point which is necessary when it is stated they are all “copies”(?) of other cartographers work. Also those two texts do not utilize the statements within the three extant works to uncover a strange story line. Even acknowledged experts on Islamic works have missed their importance as these would not have been written if not correct, or at least highly indicative.

Within the al-Sharafi works are excellent hints at the actuality of what is extant and what is missing. This text uses the words of the al-Sharafi clan to uncover a story line and discuss the very apparent errors on the atlases and chart(s).

The text contains 15, A4 pages and 20, A3 diagrams (Appendix included as text)

A new text published in “Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum, XVI (2022) pp389-432, endeavors to make the case for the unknown author/cartographer of the King-Hamy chart to be Baptista Agnese and the date not 1502 but 1536-1564.

This text queries both arguments and discusses the proposed date change for the Baptista Agnese 1514 to 1554, (Wolfenbuttel).

The text is 04, A4 pages and contains 09, A3 diagrams.

The 1602 map is covered in texts, place names and geographical information which includes its setting out in a form of rectangular elliptical projection. It utilises the curved meridians to replicate on a flat plane the spherical nature of the Earth itself. This form of projection is in many guises on maps of the 1500’s, with variations mainly to the radii setting out. It has also in the corners four small charts on an azimuthal projection. This is studied and the setting out confirmed. Matteo Ricci, born 6 October 1552, died 11 May 1610, China.

ChMR/1/ABS

In the maps appended text Matteo Ricci states; “Now the real shape of the earth is spherical, where-as in the present map it is a flat surface, so that the truth of the matter is not easily comprehended at a glance. Therefore, again following the plan adopted in my own country, I also drew two hemispheres, one showing all that lies north of the equator, and the other all that lies south of it, the two poles falling exactly in the centre of the hemispheres, so as to give some idea of the real shape of the earth.” Thus we are told it was an Italian Map he has copied for these hemispheres.
Also in the text appended he clearly states ,”The prime meridian passes through the Fortunate Islands; hence Nanking is situated , 32N latitude and 128E longitude”. However, he then choses to set the perimeter bordure of the map 10° to the west of those Islands; Why?.

Then either fortuitously or a serendipitous occurrence we see that at 10° east the Islands and the west coast of Africa is marked ( it is actually at 17° W geog), and at 20° further east we have a meridian passing directly through LONDON, and correctly through the Mediterranean Sea and Africa marking the Geographical Longitude for the World.
Following that, why precisely 180° from the western bordure is the meridian set along what is obviously the International Date Line, set through the furthest east point of the major Eurasian Continent adjacent to the Bering Strait?

Regarding the Equator, he write as follows; “This central line of equal days and nights, divides the earth into two equal parts. All that lies above it is north, all below it is south. The countries lying near this line the seasons are each a month and a half in duration, there being eight seasons altogether in the year, two springs, two summers, two autumns, and two winters. The four seasons of the Northern region are opposite of those in the southern region: when it is spring in the north, it is autumn in the south: when it is summer in the north, it is winter in the south. The reason apparently is that the rays of the sun have to travel a greater or lesser distance, respectively.” Thus apart from the first section of that text, it clearly shows an understanding of the tilt of the earth and thus the change of seasons.
Thus we have a rather surprising set of occurrences drawn on a map of 1602, indicating decisions taken in the 19^th century and these must be investigated.

The text is 08 A4 Pages and contains 14 A3 diagrams. It contains a copy of text MS7 as an appendix and then totals 21 pages including MS7 diagrams.

The first paper ChCATA/1 published in February 2019 was a brief exercise of analysis to ascertain the physical works to produce the Atlas, its construction and knowledge c1375CE.

The paper determined that it was not a coherent single work in that the folios were based upon two setting out forms. A set of horizontal or latitudinal lines and a wind rose with a different basis. It also concluded that only one junction of the folios was accurate, one had major over-lapping which in the south was awry and the 3rd/4th extant folios did not in fact join at all. The conclusion was that between folios 3 and 4 or sub-folios 6/7 there was a missing folio.

At the time of writing ChCATA/1, the very arduous work load of identifying each and every town on those sub-folios was not possible and hence the obvious positional problems and duplications were not discussed. It was also perhaps a “lost cause project” as without the missing folio, many assumptions that were required could not be tested.

However, that work has now been carried out and the missing folio c650 x 500mm tentatively infilled with some missing geography. Obviously it is a “curates egg” just as the original Catalan Atlas is.

It is up to the readers of this latest text to make up their minds on the proposals.

The text is 08, A4 pages and contains 16, A3 diagrams.

During the 1500’s the charts were able to map the exploration of West Africa carried out in the late 1400’s, and then the gradual expansion of the known world as ships of many nations sailed both south then east and south then west from the Strait of Gibraltar to eventually encompass the whole 360 degrees of the Earth.
During that time many assumptions had to be made from the meagre data given by returning sailors. This led to cartographers having to “second guess” much geography to enable charts to be comprehensive. They also had to infill land masses with spectacular views to hide the fact that there was no hinterland knowledge.
Given also the supposed secrecy of discoveries made by Portugal and Spain and their respective “cartographic houses” vying to out-do each other, including ensuring that the “Treaty of Tordesillas”, when delineated on their charts was advantageous to each, actually by the political chicanery of cartographers, there tended to be wild variations.
This text merely notes the curiosities of the Portuguese Charts, Atlases and Planispheres as the world enlarged and the charts expanded in size to accommodate the 360 degrees, and finishes with a very peculiar atlas and its journey to the BnF Paris.

The text is 14, A4 pages and contains 25, A3 diagrams.